US - Latin America Relations: The Biden Administration's Approach to Lat Am
Bolivia Today ©
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| Own elaboration - Sec. Blinken's WCA 2021 remarks in word cloud |
From time to time, I make a point of revisiting the US' foreign policy towards Latin America in this blog, especially after elections. At the end of this post you will find several links to prior posts, if you are interested. As the Biden administration begins its four-year term, it is time to revisit this issue again, taking advantage of the opportunity the Council of the Americas gave us by providing the video feeds from the latest (51st) Annual Washington Conference on the Americas. In my opinion, this is a great opportunity because we can actually listen to some of the Biden government's most relevant government officials for Latin America, all in one convenient place. Presented in the conference's website we find, what I consider, the official statements of State Sec. Blinken, Commerce Sec. Raimondo, Homeland Security Sec. Mayorkas, Trade Amb. Tai, Acting Assistant Sec. of Western Hemispheric Affairs Chung and Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee in the US House of Representatives Rep. Meeks. This means, we potentially get a comprehensive summary of what approach the executive and legislative bodies will take towards the region during the next four years. Some questions occupying our minds are: which direction will the US pursue in its relations with the region? what issues are considered important at this point in time? are there new priorities?
Historical context
Since the 80s, when the US saw itself as the bigger neighbor dealing with smaller, more rebellious neighbors, the US approach towards Latin America has come to rest on the idea of (more equal) neighborly relations, mainly anchored on the issues of better economic relations, fight against drug trafficking, and the advancement of liberal democracy as a system of preference. Under that framework, every US administration has placed emphasis on one or more topics as well as one or more countries. For instance, under the Reagan government, the armed conflicts in Nicaragua and El Salvador as well as the topic of drug trafficking together with violence in Colombia were at the top of the agenda. Under Clinton, Cuba, Mexico, drug production and trafficking as well as trade were important. Under G.W. Bush, drug trafficking, the cartels in Mexico and the government in Venezuela, were important issues. While, in more recent times, under Obama and Trump, Venezuela, Mexico, Cuba and the weakening of democracy and human rights were of importance.
Of course, this facet of US foreign policy has a history, which in my opinion, has determined to a large extent the shape of it to this day. The origins of this approach are briefly explored in a post I wrote in 2018. I include the most relevant part below (I edited the quote to make it more readable):
"Scholars of foreign policy or international relations usually revisit the Monroe Doctrine when thinking about US policy towards its southern neighbors. It was in 1823, as President James Monroe gave his annual state of the union address, when he formulated what later would become the fundamental piece of US foreign policy towards Latin America.
The doctrine, written by Quincy Adams and influenced by Hamilton and others, stated that any attempt at re-colonize the newly independent countries in the Americas by European powers would be seen as a threat to the US. At the same time, the US would seek not to interfere with the remaining European colonies.
The doctrine was so fundamental because it did not only establish the US' approach to address issues involving the Americas but also helped establish the sphere of influence beyond the borders of the United States. It recognized that the security of the US was linked to that of the other countries' secured borders.
This approach primarily involved the promotion of liberal democracy and the establishment of routes for trade. In the 1960s and 1970s and especially the 1980s, the issue of drug trafficking became one more pillar of that policy. While later on the issues of development and military cooperation also entered the formula. One issue left outside, but which has become fundamental today has been the issue of south to north migration."
The Biden administration's approach to Latin America
The Conference on the Americas this year brought together the most relevant people when it comes to the US' relations with its southern neighbors. Aside from the presence of the usual suspects, such as the Sec. of State and the head of the Western Hemispheric Affairs, who are the two government officials directly dealing with the region, three additional officials were also present. The participation of the Sec. of Commerce was not only important, but very telling, because commerce builds one of the long-standing pillars of the US-LatAm relationship. Equally important it was to hear from Trade Amb. Tai, because of the same economic reasons. Somewhat of a novum was the presence of the Sec. of Homeland Security, because immigration, even though not explicitly mentioned among the pivotal issues framing the relationship, has been a latent issue among both regions. In addition, important and perhaps new (at least new to me) was the participation of Rep. Meeks, who is the US House of Representatives' Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman. The Congress' perspective on the issue has been notoriously missing, again if you ask me. All these people, more or less, had much to say on the shape of these relations. Looking at what they have to say has the potential to point at what the White House and Congress will address during this next term.
A brief summary of what was said
Blinken highlights three areas on which he says the Biden administration will place emphasis:
- Ending the current pandemic. The government will work on ensuring vaccine supply and helping fight poverty exacerbated by the pandemic.
- Helping create economic opportunity to better lives. He linked opportunity to the importance of addressing the climate change by cutting emissions through appropriate funding. He said the US was ready to provide 5 bn. a year.
- Support for democracy. Blinken said the administration would work to strengthen democracy and the rights that come with it. He also said, the administration will address the problems in Haiti, Nicaragua, Venezuela and Cuba.
Chung asserted the Biden administration has placed the cooperation among the regions at the front of the agenda and that the participation of some of the most senior officers in the most relevant areas of the government only underlined this new approach to the region.
She highlighted a number of priorities:
- address the causes for migration in the Central American and Southern Mexico regions through increased private investment and trade.
- work with allies in the region forging better economic and trade conditions through respect for the rule of law, transparency, entrepreneurship and citizen participation, among other things.
- addressing the current pandemic and its various effects on health, society and economy will have to be accompanied by the private sector.
Raimondo framed the work of the Biden administration under a "sustained engagement with partners in the hemisphere", one which is anchored on "democratic, middle class and secure" principles and with the goals to attain "prosperity, safety and a democratic region".
She reminded everybody that the US trades twice as much with its neighbors in the Americas than with China, and that the US exports more to the hemisphere than to all of Asia.
She highlighted the importance of the private sector as a partner to achieve the goals mentioned. In fact, she said she saw her role as a facilitator, involving private initiatives, considering ideas and facilitating the participation of the sector in the work. She made it clear, she believed the government alone cannot confront the challenges.
Raimondo pointed to the tasks at hand from the perspective of commerce:
- strengthening competitiveness in the region,
- commitment to transparency and fairness,
- and security (she seems to mean security in a broader sense here).
Raimondo identified areas where the work needed to be directed: "There are many common challenges across the region, including
- addressing climate change,
- accelerating energy transition,
- ensuring security,
- improving healthcare,
- and the need to build infrastructure."
Tai highlighted the administration's approach towards the region from the trade point of view, as she said she considered trade policy as an important tool to address the challenges she saw ahead. One of the first things she said was that the US would "engage the world, partners and international institutions from a position of strength".
She then outlined what she called a "fundamentally different approach" to trade relations with the region. She said the USTR's "workers-centered trade policy" was designed to achieve broad-based equitable growth, increased innovation, and give workers a seat at the table. In fact, she emphasized the aim to have a "positive impact on real people".
Tai said she expected the USMCA trade agreement to be the basis for the work ahead. She pointed at the labor and environmental standards included in the agreement as the new standards to follow. She also said her agency will engage with non-governmental actors to bring them to the table.
Mayorkas outlined DHS' approach towards the neighborhood from a more comprehensive point of view, i.e. security. He said: "the nations in the western hemisphere are bounded by shared interests, national security, trade, economic, social development, and migration." He said the principle challenges were: climate change, migration, terrorism, cyber security, among others.
Mayorkas pointed to principles guiding the actions of the DHS. He underscored security as such a guiding principle to help facilitate travel and trade, but prevented drug trafficking, human trafficking, the transit of criminals, as well as thwarting efforts (of any kind) by malign foreign agents, threats to supply chains and terrorism funding, to cite a few. Another principle would be the concept of smart border management, which, he said, meant to turn the border into an important tool to achieve economic security and development. Borders should be viewed as points of connections, Mayorkas asserted. Such borders can only be secured by international partnerships. Mayorkas said further, he viewed DHS as a convenor among the nations in the hemisphere in security and trade issues. Its task was to further collective efforts to achieve security and economic success.
Finally, Meeks was very enthusiastic in expressing his excitement about "be(ing) back at the table" to engage the world and the Americas. I guess he was making a reference to Biden's "America is back" statement addressing the Trump era's isolationism. He said he has been working for decades to deepen the US relationship with the countries of the hemisphere. As a member of Congress and the Chair of the HFAC, he committed himself to continue placing the western hemisphere at the front of his (and the committee's) agenda.
Meeks outlined what he called the four Ds as guiding pillars of his approach to the region: diplomacy (a reference to being back), democracy, development and diversity.
He expressed his intention to review the Merida initiative to evaluate its achievements. The initiative is basically a security cooperation agreement among the United States, the government of Mexico, and Central America. The aim is combating the threats of drug trafficking, transnational organized crime, and money laundering.
He also expressed his desire to address the root causes of migration south-north. Meeks sees the roots of these action in the: outdated tax systems, corruption, deficiencies in the rights of African descendants and indigenous communities, gang violence, and climate change. He also said he wants to work towards strengthening consultation processes before any internationally financed infrastructure projects, the respect for the rule of law and human rights, especially those of vulnerable groups such as women and poor people. Finally, Meeks expressed his deep committment with the work on Colombia and Haiti.
In summary
VP Kamala Harris's words summarized the approach in broader terms. She has been charged by President Biden to lead the efforts of his administration to "revitalize" the US's relationship with Latin America. Under the umbrella of "democracy, good governance, security and prosperity based on dignity and diplomacy" Harris outlined the government's agenda. She characterized the US' role as "helping Latin Americans write their own history", as "supporting the vision of the people in the region" and as "help people find hope, at home".
I think the list of participants who represented the government in this conference basically show the Biden administration's approach towards the Latin American region. President Biden seems to base his approach on long established issues while including current pressing issues taking a place at the top of the agenda by virtue of their urgency at this time. Biden has a long career in government, therefore he is best informed on the long-standing issues making up US foreign policy as well as being aware of those issues that need immediate attention. He has this experience either through his work in the Senate's foreign relations committee or his work as VP under President Obama. At the same time, he also seems to have had the necessary impulse to bring to the table novel approaches by seeking to give the worker a seat at the table.
The Biden administration seems to be focusing on four policy areas, two of them have been part of the US' approach to the region since a very long time and the other two are reflections of current times. First and foremost, the area on democracy has been a focus for a long time. It just seems sensible to think the US makes it a policy to spread the virtues of a political system that has served the country too well until now. Under this area, the strengthening of the liberal democratic system is a top priority. This includes good governance, strengthening the rule of law, paying particular attention to the rights of vulnerable people (women, indigenous and LGBT), political participation, participation of the private sector, to cite a few objectives cited by the participants. All this, should inevitably be accompanied by long-standing aims such as weak institutions, legal insecurity and corruption.
The second long standing policy area is economics. Under this label we find first the sub-area of economic and social development as well as trade. Both areas touch on issues of opportunity, prosperity, transparency, competition, fairness, innovation, growth, entrepreneurship and private investment. Now, the Biden administration, through its representatives, introduced the aim of bringing the people at the center by, not only making emphasis on citizen participation, but also including the worker in the negotiating table and making sure there is a "positive impact on real people".
The third and fourth policy areas are security and health. Now, security is not a new policy area, it has just been addressed under different labels before. It seems now, however, the Biden administration is opening the framework to include migration as a sub-area. While migration has been an issue deeply affecting the relationship
between the US and Latin America, it was never placed as prominent in the agenda as it
has been placed under this administration. In fact, I remember
migration was an issue that got lost under other issues such as the drug
trafficking problem, i.e. the war on drugs. However, Mayorkas seems to be amalgamating migration with trade. He said his department would secure the borders to facilitate much needed
legal transit of people and goods. He also mentioned the US was going
to approach the "management of the border" as a concerted effort
together with the relevant country. And, of course, we cannot forget recent actions such as the treatment of children under the Trump government, which has made the migration issue even more relevant. I
cannot help asking myself whether this change has to do with the
attention Latino voters are experiencing as of late in the US.
Finally, under the health policy area, we find the issue of the pandemic, covid and its effects. This policy areas has been placed front and center in the agenda by the current developments. These are not only issues of health, but also of economic development, migration and ultimately the strengthening of the democracies around the region. The Biden government did not really have a choice to place this policy area on the priority list. Latin America has been hit very hard by the pandemic and, it is now, and will be in the near future, an issue impossible to ignore for the US.
What does it all mean?
For us observers of international politics, it was significant that the Biden administration presented its agenda on Latin America in a rather comprehensive manner at this year's WCA. It showed clarity on the approach and transparency, something that I as a casual observer of US Foreign Policy, had not seen before. For me, the way the approach was presented showed a fusion of some of the traditional components of US policy with current and thus relevant issues that demand attention, along with some, perhaps, novel ideas.
The long-standing policy areas framing the relationship between the US and Latin America have been focused towards strengthening the democratic process and promoting trade and prosperity within the Americas. As some speakers highlighted, for the US, Latin America has become a significant trading partner, with the region taking the top places in many respects. Based on that fact, the US expects trade to intensify even more over the next decades. For that reason, the US has come to expect increased certainty in that relationship. However, that has been something the Latin American region has been unable to deliver. To the contrary, it has been plagued with issues of weak institutions, uncertainty in the rule of law (at least from the US point of view), corruption, and above all, unstable political systems. That is the reason, I think, the Biden administration, under its motto "the US is back" and based on its assessment of the relationship, has made it a priority to bring those traditional issues back into the agenda.
Regarding the issues of migration and the pandemic, these are issues the US government cannot ignore at this time, and therefore they "take" top places in the Biden agenda. The migration issue, mainly south-to-north, has been omnipresent in the US-Latin America relationship. In fact, if we recall the agendas of the last several administrations, the issue was not mentioned at all. In fact, migration was widely viewed in the US as an internal problem, with the main problem being people illegally entering the country. That approach completely ignored the fact that the majority of those people entering the US were Latin Americans as well as completely ignoring the reasons why those people were choosing to leave their homes. However, migration today has become impossible to ignore. In fact, it has become more relevant by the day, because the US has not yet been able to pass comprehensive legislation and the perceived number of illegal people crossing the border seems to increase by the day.
Earlier in this post I wondered why has this issue become important. I asked whether it had to do with the fact that Latinos have become a significant portion of the electorate. In fact, I do think this issue has become important because of that reason. But, it is also important because US politics has been going under a process of change where diversity, gender and race politics have become important.
The Biden government, and here is perhaps the novelty in the approach, has made it a point to highlight their goal to address the causes of migration. This way of looking at the relationship implies the US having to look at not only economic causes but also at social causes. Under the trade and economic prosperity policy areas, this approach implies the more efficient ways to transport goods across the borders as well as the aim to assure some of the economic benefits stay in the other countries. For example, that whatever investment or trade generates jobs in the Latin American economies as well. However, this approach does not seem to stop there. In socio-economic terms, the policy implies the eradication of poverty, fair pay, access to health, and job security, to cite a few examples. That is what Amb. Tai said in her intervention. She called this a worker-centered trade policy.
While it is obvious to state that will not be an easy task for the Biden team, it is important to underline that way of approaching the migration problem is a novum for US foreign policy.
Finally, the current pandemic and its effects on countries around the world has been a hard to ignore issue. Therefore, it is only logical that this issue is at the top of the Biden agenda towards Latin America. Especially, when we consider the significant social and political effects it has had around the region. The pandemic has exacerbated the social problems plaguing the hemisphere. While in the last decade the Latin American countries have experienced marginal improvement in the issue of equality, especially in the fight against poverty, in early 2021 it is clear that those gains have been wiped out and there is the fear that poverty has deepened even more. And that only addresses the underlying factors of inequality, something the Latin America region is known to be dealing with at present times.
Sources:
https://bolivia-today.blogspot.com/2007/01/bolivian-us-policy.html
https://bolivia-today.blogspot.com/2008/11/possible-us-approaches-to-latin-america.html
https://bolivia-today.blogspot.com/2018/01/foreign-policy-uss-approach-to-latin.html
https://bolivia-today.blogspot.com/2019/05/the-current-administrations-latin.html
https://www.state.gov/the-51st-annual-washington-conference-on-the-americas/
https://www.state.gov/julie-chung-remarks-51st-annual-washington-conference-americas/
https://www.commerce.gov/news/speeches/2021/05/remarks-us-commerce-secretary-gina-m-raimondo-51st-annual-washington-council
https://www.dhs.gov/news/2021/05/04/secretary-mayorkas-delivers-remarks-51st-washington-conference-americas
https://foreignaffairs.house.gov/about
https://www.as-coa.org/events/51st-annual-washington-conference-americas
